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09
September 2013

Obama Gets an Earful on Syria From Russian Human-Rights Activists

Daily Beast

Only a handful of Russian activists bothered to show up to meet the president in St. Petersburg, and those who did gave him an earful on Syria and Snowdon.

President Obama must have been disappointed to see the group of activists at St. Petersburg’s Crown Plaza hotel. Only nine showed up.

Some of Russia’s top human-rights defenders, it seemed, realized the American leader had failed to reset relations not only with Russian authorities but Russian society as well, and turned down their invitations to meet on Friday afternoon. Activists said they doubted that a president who accepted the convictions and pursuit of whistleblowers in his own country would be an influential advocate for the issues they face in Russia.

One of the nine, opposition leader Yevgenia Chirikova, admitted that she felt she needed to talk to Obama about his own challenges. “I came to criticize Obama, to make him realize that impeachment, which he might face soon, is a trifle compared to the blood he would always have on his hands if he bombs Syria now,” Chirikova, the winner of the 2012 Goldman Environmental Prize, told The Daily Beast. But she added that sitting down to talk was still important, even if the chances for any positive changes were low.

At the meeting, Chirikova urged Obama to consider the Magnitsky Act, the 2011 law that punishes the Russian officials implicated in the death of lawyer Sergei Magnitsky by banning their entry to U.S. Russians paid a high price for that law, including new anti-U.S. adoption measures last winter, the activist said. “I wonder how to add more names to Magnitsky list. For instance, the mayor of Khimki town, who is responsible in the death of his critic, journalist Mikhail Beketov. But Obama did not answer my question,” said Chirikova, who’s been jailed numerous times for her activities and officials have threatened to take away her two children if she did not stop her activism.

The scene was different back in 2009, during Obama’s first visit to Russia. Dozens of civil activists and human-rights defenders met with the newly elected president, hopeful that his “reset” ideas would bring more political freedom to Russia. Unlike today, the U.S. and Russian presidents were meeting at a summit; at one such meeting, the president mentioned the physical assault on activist Lev Ponomarev, the founder of All-Russian Movement for Human Rights. Ponomarev was among those who skipped the meeting with Obama this year.

“If they told me they needed to save a person, I would have immediately come,” Ponomarev explained. “We recently met with John Kerry without any results—these meetings with the U.S. leaders make no sense. But they are a nice tradition. We complain to them and they tell us that we are great,” he added.

Svetlana Gannushkina, chairwoman of the human-rights group Civil Support Committee, also declined the invitation, instead sending her appeal in writing. She complimented America’s leadership for feeling responsible for the world’s fate, but warned President Obama in her letter: “Military operations leading to the death of new victims among the civilian population are not the best expression of this responsibility.” Of Obama, she said “we can see that he is ready to send whistleblowers to jail and bomb other states—this is a horrible example for Russian authorities and a disillusioning one for Russian youth.” займы онлайн на карту срочно займ онлайн на карту без отказа female wrestling https://zp-pdl.com/fast-and-easy-payday-loans-online.php https://zp-pdl.com займы на карту

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25
March 2013

The Dead Man’s Trial

Foreign Policy

Without a word, a gloomy cleaning lady in a blue apron and pink rubber slippers over long woolen socks pushed a mop down the narrow corridor. A crowd of tired and quiet reporters shuffled aside to let her pass. Her mop rubbed the dirt from the wet floor of the waiting area of the Tverskoi Courthouse, only to be immediately muddied again by hundreds of boots. Five hours had passed since the scheduled start of the latest hearing in the trial of a dead suspect, the first such trial in Russia’s history. The suspect in question was Sergei Magnitsky, who died in jail at age 37, three years ago. Inside Courtroom Number 4, the benches and chairs remained empty. So did the suspect’s cage (shown above).

“Get out of here!” an annoyed security officer in black uniform shouted at reporters, pushing people away from the court door. Silence filled the stuffy space. People looked lost, trying to understand the true meaning behind the man’s statement. Did it mean that the trial would be once again delayed for many hours, or cancelled entirely? Nothing has made any sense so far. “Is there any scenario, any purpose for making journalists wait for so long?” I asked Vera ?heilsheva, an experienced court reporter for the Russian investigative newspaper Novaya Gazeta. “Clearly they want us to lose interest in Magnitsky,” she answered. And today she had no expectations of witnessing the miracle of justice in Russia.

Not one foot budged from the wet floor of the court door. From the day of his arrest in November 2008 to the day of his death in prison in November 2009, the young lawyer never had a chance to have his day in court. But he believed in justice and a fair trial, his family and supporters say, and continued to accuse senior Russian police and tax officials in organizing a $230 million fraud. “He was angry to see evidence of stupid falsifications, stupid lies at his preliminary court hearings, but he believed that somewhere there had to be some heroic judge of dignity and courage,” Magnitsky’s mother, Natalya Magnitskaya, said in a phone interview. Along with Sergei’s family members, friends, and civil society activists, Mrs. Magnitskaya boycotted the trial of her dead son and stayed at home today.

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21
December 2012

Russia: Putin Parries on U.S. Adoption Ban

Daily Beast

President Vladimir Putin was evasive about whether he would sign a controversial bill banning Americans from adopting Russian children.

Speaking at his annual news conference on Thursday, Russian President Vladimir Putin sharply rebuked the American government, saying that U.S. officials had no right to lecture Russia about human rights and democracy. “They are up to their necks in a certain substance themselves,” Putin said of the Americans, returning to the subject over and over again during his lengthy press conference.

Putin defended his stance against military intervention in Syria and criticized the U.S.’s role in helping to overthrow Muammar Gaddafi in Libya. But for all his anti-American invective, Putin was evasive about whether he would definitively back legislation passed by the Russian parliament that would prohibit American citizens from adopting Russian children. After being repeatedly questioned by journalists about the bill, Putin said he would have to read the text, reportedly adding that most Americans looking to adopt Russian children are “honest” and “decent.”

The legislation will become law if Putin signs it. It was passed in Russia in response to the Magnitsky Act, a bill that U.S. President Barack Obama signed last week, which imposes financial and travel restrictions on Russian human-rights abusers.

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26
November 2012

Russia: Introducing the Putin Doctrine

Daily Beast

Six months after returning to power in the face of mounting opposition, Russian President Vladimir Putin is exercising his political capital—and doing so in imperial fashion. The most recent example: earlier this month, sitting at a small table in his ornate, oak-walled office in the Kremlin, Putin announced that Russia was creating the world’s largest publicly traded oil company. The goal: to restore the glory of Russia the only way Putin seems to know how—the raw acquisition of power. “He is trying to keep stability, as he sees it, with billions of dollars in oil,” said Evgeny Gontmakher, an analyst at the Institute of World Economy and International Relations, a Moscow-based think tank. “I predict chaos.”

The announcement—which featured what appeared to be a staged tête-à-tête with one of the president’s advisers—seemed to crystallize what analysts are now calling “The Putin Doctrine.” Its essence is to consolidate political control at home and expand his country’s influence in Central Asia at the expense of the West. Earlier this year, as protesters crowded Moscow’s cold streets, demonstrating against the government in a way that hasn’t been seen in Russia since the fall of the Soviet Union, Putin said his third term would give rise to a stronger military, improved social programs, and the creation of a Eurasian Union, a confederacy of states that resembles a watered-down version of the old USSR.

Apparently he wasn’t bluffing. Once the protests faded, Putin announced that he would boost the Russian Army’s budget from $61 billion in 2012 to $97 billion by 2015. Last month, he flew to Tajikistan and extended the lease on three Russian military bases for 30 years. Meanwhile, the Russian Air Force has begun joint exercises with its counterparts in Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Tajikistan, and a special Kremlin committee is mulling the best ways for the country to further unite with its neighbors in Central Asia: “We take the Putin Doctrine as verbatim instructions for how to create revolutionary change,” said Yuri Krupnov, a Kremlin adviser who is trying to invest $12 billion in state money into the economy of Tajikistan.

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